In a debate the one who frames the rules wins it (atleast in
public perception) irrespective of the merit in his argument. It’s probable
that such a person has little logic to back him, yet by spinning the course in
his favour, he has half-defeated his opponent as the latter has to play by
rules set by him.
For example, if an interview with Bill Clinton focusses only
on his extra-marital affair, any viewer cannot escape the impression that he is
a sex-maniac. On the contrary, if he is interviewed on various policies during
his tenure in office such as foreign affairs, corporate affairs etc the viewer
gets a more wholesome perspective about his overall legacy.
This is why media plays a pivotal role in shaping public
discourse. And the narrative is set by asking a particular set of questions,
and not necessarily by providing their answers. We’ll get back to this a little
later after discussing election strategies of various political parties.
Current Election Strategy
Over years, elections in India have been won on basis of
votebanks. That is, fragmenting the populace to their most basic identity and
seeking en-bloc vote in lieu of special packages for them. Thus Congress plays
the game by dividing people and seldom seeks votes for a higher ideal by asking
people to rise above their petty considerations.
Without batting an eyelid, Congress seeks upper-caste vote,
lower-caste vote, Muslim vote, Christian vote (all supposedly with conflicting
group interests) appealing to them as a group and for not a wider cause. Since,
this technique of dividing people into sects has been used with varying levels
of finesse and success in many states by other parties too.
In UP, Mayawati pulled up a Dalit-Brahmin alliance to
successfully storm to power. In Bihar, Nitish Kumar managed to wrest power from
Lalu Prasad by breaking his Yadav-Muslim alliance by separating lower-caste
Muslims from his votebank. (Lalu supposedly supported elite Muslims more and
took the whole Muslim support for granted.) Thus, although these parties are
contenders to power at regional level, most remain in alliance with Congress at
the national level. They do not challenge Congress at a broader level.
How Socialism & Secularism feed Divisive Politics
Socialism in India is responsible for manufacturing
scarcity. Private enterprise by default works on demand-supply chain that’s
largely self-correcting. Look no farther than recently privatized enterprises
to discern the difference. Under BSNL’s monopoly, we had extremely high call
rates with securing a connection itself running into months if not years. Now,
one can buy a mobile and seek a connection in as much as an hour. Under License
Raj, buying a scooter (only Bajaj and Vespa were commonly available) required
advanced booking (by months) before one could own it. Now?
When a resource becomes scarce, people are willing to buy it
at higher cost - often through their vote. This is where the perverted notion
of Indian secularism chips in. Offering doles to specific communities helps in
winning their vote en-bloc. Nobody questions as to why the resource is scarce
in the first place and who abetted this condition. Thus what should have been
freely available at market price to everybody is purposefully made scarce, and
then through subsidized price is offered to specific community in lieu of their
vote.
The scarcity created by socialism is masked by secularism as
any opposition is quickly labelled as conspiracy by elites / caste Hindus to
deny equal opportunity to the poor / minorities. But the more pertinent
question remains: Why should opportunity to one section come at the cost of
another? Why the benefits given to certain community shouldn’t be extended to
others?
The aim of any democracy is to encourage diverse identities
while creating conditions that help in assimilation of all groups into one merged
identity eventually - the national identity. The Indian policies, on the
contrary, encourage narrower identities that become more and more entrenched
over time.
One’s caste cannot be changed whereas economic conditions
can be. Reservations based on economic conditions ensure assimilation of poorer
sections into the mainstream, whereas caste-based one creates permanent
fissures in society wherein a particular sect continues to enjoy benefits
irrespective of their economic condition while others are deprived of state
support merely on accident of their birth.
A system that robs Peter to pay Paul can always rest assured
of Paul’s support. Hence the circle that supports current system is complete.
Understanding BJP’s success and failure
BJP ascent to prominence was when it could convince people
to raise one step higher from their basic identity and vote for a larger cause.
In 1990s, it could convince people to rise above their casteist & regional
considerations and vote for a wider Hindu cause. This takes extraordinary
energy and clarity for it involves a move against inertia. For this, the idea
must be articulated by a leader whose image transcends that of a mere
politician.
Consequently, one needs to constantly work to overcome the
inertial forces and any lapse can easily bring the affair back to the default
state. For BJP to remain successful, it needs to continuously draw the
populace’s attention to the larger cause, and lack of energy in pursuing this
itself suffices to bring Congress back to power as witnessed in 2004.
India was witnessing the highest growth rates since
Independence during NDA regime and yet it faltered. Reason: The benefits hadn’t
yet percolated to vast sections of society and they were easily allured by
promises of instant benefits by Congress. The poor couldn’t relate to growth
rates and other abstract parameters that signalled improved economy as their
needs were more immediate and basic. On the contrary, Congress offered what
these people could relate to, tangible benefits that provide instant relief.
Consider the case of Karnataka. Despite reasonably good
development works (atleast better than previous regimes), BJP failed to retain
it because it wasn’t energetic and clear enough to drive the narrative uphill
and instead was bogged down with internal factions. As things stood still,
through sheer inertia Congress got back effortlessly.
New Message, New Messenger : Modi
Advani in a rare occasion of political incorrectness at the
height of Ayodhya movement proclaimed “Secularism in India has become a
euphemism of Hindu-bashing”.
Ever since 2004 when BJP led NDA lost power, it has gone
downhill with respect to setting the debate. It made the mistake of trying to
get “secular certificate” from a media openly hostile to the idea it
represents. This proved costly, for notwithstanding Congress led UPA’s scams
and scandals, media could easily prove BJP guiltier for advocating “communal”
ideas whereas UPA’s gross inefficiency still had a “secular” certificate.
Indeed, a certain journalist commenting on BJP’s support to Anna Hazare roughly
said “Secular corruption cannot be defeated by communal forces”. (not
making this, he’s really a journalist).
Next they say, he hasn’t apologized for 2002 - to which Modi
aptly responded by asking if indeed he was involved, would a mere “sorry” do?
Shouldn’t that call for harsher punishment?
Next, they argue that Gujarat was always business-oriented, so Modi cannot claim credit for its growth story. Of course, they stumbled across this argument only post 2009-10 before which this wasn’t contested much. So Gujarat also had a history of riots before Modi, almost all of which were under Congress rule, so surely Modi shouldn’t be “credited” with riots either, right? Agreed, without Modi too, Gujarat wouldn’t have been a poor state. But its growth rate is in double digit, something that surely wouldn’t have been the case, without Modi.
With criticism based on facts no longer feasible, given any
article (online) based on them are rebutted by a rising number of Modi
supporters, media took refuge in fiction. That Modi “appears” dictatorial, or
“if” he becomes PM in he will make life hell for minorities etc. So criticism
now is based on imaginary fears and not ground realities.
To the accusation that Modi doesn’t indulge in tokenism
(wearing skull-caps) and doesn’t do anything for minorities, Modi retorted that
he doesn’t do anything for majority either. He works only for six crore
Gujaratis and never differentiates between his people.
Secularism, per Modi, means India First.
Whereas Congress uses the bogey “Islam-in-danger” to corner
Muslim votes, Modi asks Indians to rise above their sectarian aspirations to
vote for development. Note that Congress seeks vote from Muslims on account of
their being Muslims, purely communal, whereas Modi asks for vote on basis on
collective Indian identity (purely secular) for the idea of development that supersedes all tokenism and provides real relief from punishing poverty that enslaves millions of Indians across all identities.
Those labelling Modi fascist should realize that they’re
free to criticize him without even bare minimum civility without inviting any
risk. This, despite the fact that Modi is well within his rights to sue media
for libel and motivated slander. Yet the past record, if anything, shows the
opposite.
Consider another person whose mention, let alone criticism
is rarely seen in media circles, despite being in near control of government
without accountability.
Modi, by focusing on development, has cornered Congress
where it hurts the most. No amount of “secular” whitewash by its media-team is
able to erase its poor record.
After long, BJP has a powerful message and a masterful messenger.
Power is a prerequisite to respectability. BJP should remember that it was an
outcast until it stormed to power. And those opposing it today would be forced
to deal with it, if it succeeds. Success for BJP is a wildly important goal - the
one goal that has to be achieved, or nothing else it achieves really matters
much.
Hi maddy, nice article man. But, I think if someone puts the statistics of Gujarat's development, Growth rate and various indices including Population Statistics based on various communities as a % of total right from 1990, based on congress/BJP's tenure as Govt. it may give a complete picture,,I know it's hard,,but I think it'll give a perspective on much talked about Gujarat's development,,
ReplyDelete@Dhan13,
DeleteThanks for your comment.
You're right - before testifying Modi's performance, a study of related data itself could clear the air. But like I said, based on their hysteria by media to prove that Gujarat growth is a myth and several sleight of hand analysis on Malnutrition (which later was found low from ideal standards, but better in *comparison* to other Indian states), we can say that Modi got it right in many counts.
But importantly, I've struck to ideas and perceptions in this blogpost. Regardless of numbers too, I hear many accounts (professionally) of Gujarat growth - its perceptible to commoners / residents of Gujarat. Such goodwill from ground level, is impossible to impose from topdown.
Finally, other parties still don't have development as their agenda. They still talk about socialist feel-good jargons like "inclusive growth", "social justice" (and we've seen what these mean all these years).
Modi stands alone in the sea of mediocrity in Indian politics. (mediocrity wrt to contribution to masses, not wrt their intelligence which we've seen through their sheer innovativeness in corruption)
very well written article, a punch on the face for Modi bashers :)
ReplyDelete